As early as 1530, Melanchthon, as we have already seen, was guilty of using ambiguity to establish peace. [See above Part 8, p. 332 ff. above, Baumgartner] Among other things, he himself wrote to Luther on August 22: “Eck sneered at the word 'alone' [sola], if we say that men are justified by faith alone; but he did not condemn the matter, saying it was offensive to the ignorant. For I forced him to confess that righteousness is rightly attributed by us to faith. He (LuW 337) wanted us to write: that we are justified by grace and faith; I did not resist, [“non repugnavi”] but that foolish man does not understand the word ‘grace’.” (II, 299. f. [StL 16, 1401-1402, #1057]) To this news of the foul peace Luther answered him: "You write that Eck was compelled by you to confess that we are justified by faith; would to God, you would have compelled him not to lie. (Luther’s Letters, de Wette. IV, 145; [StL 16, 1402 #1676; not in old series Am. Ed.]) *)
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*) [Johannes] Quenstedt writes: "When, after the delivery of the Augsburg Confession at the Imperial Diet of 1530, a settlement of the points of contention between the princes and theologians of both parts was negotiated from August 16 to 22, it pleased Melanchthon to leave that word 'grace' in its ambiguity, that he and his comrades could take and interpret it for the mere affect of divine benevolence, but Eck and his comrades, as usual with them, for virtuous qualities, which were poured into men by the benevolence of God, as the principal cause; which meaning does not prevent man from obtaining salvation through merit, as the secondary cause, which would be infused into him by God out of his good will, as the primary cause. In such ambiguities Philip was extremely pleased, as can be seen from his letter of August 22. But Luther disliked this ‘wickedness’ (Ephes. 4:14) from the beginning; hence he wrote a reply to Melanchthon on August 25th.”. (Theol. did.-pol. II, 770)
In 1539 Calvin wrote to Farell:
“I sent him (Melanchthon) a few articles in which I had briefly summed up the sum of the matter. He himself agrees with these without contradiction, but he admits that in that part there were some who demanded something more crass, and with such rigidity that I do not say, tyranny, that for a long time it was to be feared that they saw him alienated from their opinion. Though he does not think that there is a friendly agreement, he wishes that this unity, whatever it may be, be cultivated until the Lord will have led us on both sides to unity in His truth. As for himself, have no doubt that he believes as we do.” (Calvin. epp. p. 24)
The consequence of his dissimulation towards his opponents was, then, that they took him completely for their side, far from it, that he, as he undoubtedly intended, at least at that time, to have brought them closer to the truth through the same. [i.e. opponents misread M. at that time]
"In contrast to the Augsburg Interim, this Leipzig “alternative” [i.e. Leipzig Interim] preserved evangelical doctrine but reflected some medieval Catholic practices in ceremony and custom."
“However, the statement of the final draft regarding justification, … contained ambiguous language regarding the doctrine [of Justification]. In fact, parts of it had been borrowed directly from the Augsburg Interim.”
“Although the Augsburg Interim, with its doctrine of double justification, is probably meant here, the “Leipzig Interim’s" article on justification had been fiercely attacked by the Gnesio-Lutherans for its formulations that seemed to compromise the Lutheran understanding of salvation 'by grace alone' and 'through faith alone.'”
"To be a colleague of Luther's was, of course, not an easy task. It was like being harnessed to a dynamo. Melanchthon himself complained about living under the burden of servitude to Luther. (fn#7: In a letter to Christoph von Carlowitz, 28.4.1548, Corpus Reformatorum, VI:880)"
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